The science

The science of swearing

A fuller account of what neuroscience, psychology and corpus linguistics have found, for readers who want more than the short version. Where a finding is contested or small, it says so.

Where swearing lives in the brain

The evidence that swearing is handled differently from ordinary speech comes mostly from what happens when the brain breaks.

Pain

Richard Stephens's group at Keele University has published a series of studies since 2009. The first found that repeating a swear word roughly doubled the time volunteers could keep a hand in ice water, with a higher heart rate, suggesting a fight-or-flight mechanism. A 2011 follow-up found the effect much weaker in people who swore frequently in daily life, consistent with habituation. A 2018 study found that swearing also increased strength and power in short bursts of exercise. A 2020 study using invented words ("fouch", "twizpipe") found no effect at all, ruling out distraction or humour and pointing back to the taboo. The findings have replicated in several labs, though effect sizes are moderate and the mechanism is still argued over.

Emotion and aggression

Swearing reduces self-reported anger and, in some experiments, reduces subsequent aggression, in line with a catharsis account. The cautions are that the studies are small, that a competing account says swearing rehearses aggression, and that both may be true depending on whether the swearing is directed at a person. The most consistent finding is a simple one: people say they feel better after swearing at a frustration, and their physiology agrees.

Who swears, how much

Timothy Jay, whose work at Massachusetts College of Liberal Arts underpins most of this field, estimates that swear words make up roughly half a per cent of everyday speech, comparable to first-person plural pronouns, and that the average speaker uses around eighty to ninety a day. Ten words account for the great majority, and fuck and shit between them for around a third to a half of all swearing in American English. Corpus studies of British speech (McEnery and Xiao 2004 on the original British National Corpus; Robbie Love 2021 comparing it with the 2014 spoken corpus) find that:

See Statistics for the figures in tables.

Swearing in a second language

Jean-Marc Dewaele's research at Birkbeck, and Catherine Harris's skin-conductance work, both find that swear words in a language learned after childhood produce a weaker emotional response than those in a first language. Bilinguals report that swearing in their second language feels "like a game" and that they prefer their first language for anger. This is why the English word is milder for a German than ficken, and why it is so widely borrowed: for most of the world, fuck is a swear word without the sting.

Swearing and personality

A cluster of studies from Kristin Jay and Timothy Jay (2015) found that fluency in swear words correlates with general verbal fluency, against the folk belief that swearing marks a poor vocabulary. Feldman and colleagues (2017) reported a link between profanity and honesty at individual and state level, which has been contested on methodological grounds. Studies of perception find people who swear are seen as more intense but not less competent in informal contexts, and less competent in formal ones, which matches everyday experience.

Children

Jay's records of children's speech show swear words appearing by age two, a working vocabulary of taboo words by five or six, and adult patterns by early adolescence. Children learn from parents first and peers second, and learn the taboo along with the word. The best available evidence finds no harm to children from hearing ordinary swearing, as distinct from verbal abuse. See Children.